Yearly Archives: 2018

Tabby’s Star continues to make news. This time WaPo is reporting that the odd visuals coming from Tabby’s may indicate dust:

Artist’s conception of Tabby’s Star.
Source: Wikipedia

Whatever substance exists between us and Tabby’s Star blocks more blue light than red light, as Boyajian, Ellis, Wright and other researchers reported in a study published in the Astrophysical Journal Letters on Wednesday. Planets cannot explain the dips. “If you have something that is completely opaque like a planet, you would expect all the colors of the light to be blocked out at the same levels,” Boyajian said. Likewise, the discovery also rules out alien industry.

Dust is one of the few explanations this observation does not eliminate. “The selective absorption of blue light has to point to dust,” Ellis said. “Certainly dust is the culprit.” Very small particles could block blue light’s shorter wavelengths while allowing red light, which has longer wavelengths, to escape.

“It has the typical signature of dust,” Boyajian said.

But the mystery is not over.

Yet even in space dust, there is mystery. If it is dust, the dust cloud has not spread far beyond its point of origin, the authors noted in the paper. A ring of dust around the star would constantly block starlight rather than dim light in bouts.

The artist’s conception, above, suggests a simple ring, which implies the ring is at a 90° angle to us. I wonder if it could actually be a shell or sphere of dust, instead.

Reality is so much more fun than self-delusion, I gotta say. Can’t wait for the next report.

Just a short while after reading about Kim’s speech and its remarks, and writing about it, I ran across this, also from 38 North, by Peter Ward:

In the last few years, the seemingly ever more frequent North Korean nuclear and missile tests have been met with intensifying sanctions. Yet, North Korea’s economic recovery post-2000 has continued largely unabated. This is in part because the North Korean government has made radical changes in the management of its state-owned enterprises (SOEs). While the regime seems to be doing everything it can to keep up Stalinist appearances and Kim Jong Un probably believes that he cannot abandon socialist rhetoric without risking his legitimacy, in reality, markets increasingly play a central role in the lives of ordinary North Koreans. As such, the regime has been adapting to this new reality and moving to co-opt market forces by side-lining the Party in economic management. This is most clearly illustrated by the 2014 amended Enterprise Act, which came to light earlier this year [2017], granting SOE managers broad rights to engage in foreign trade and joint ventures and accept investment from domestic private investors. Institutionalizing market forces seems to be helping to create a better investment climate, and thus spurring growth.

I wonder if they’re learning by observing China, carefully opening up on the economic front while keeping the political world ordered to benefit themselves. But what are the limits? That’s unclear, although Peter concludes with this:

These changes to the SOE laws are the first steps on a long road to economic reform. Private property still is illegal, and the regime will need to figure out how to further expand the rights of de facto private business in order to ensure that recent economic growth is sustainable. Removing the Party, a bastion of the old socialist order, from daily economic life is clearly a step in the right direction, as it allows enterprise management and entrepreneurs to worry less about ideology. At the same time, the nuclear and missile programs mean that the foreign investment the country needs to grow and reconstruct its shattered infrastructure will likely not be forthcoming. These limited but real changes will likely run up against the hard realities that the regime’s foreign policy has created.

Will they be a miniature powerhouse? What about their human rights record? The future of North Korea remains obscure.

It’s always dangerous applying your judgment against artifacts from alien cultures, such as watching a film sourced from another nation, because the tell-tales employed by the movie makers, the short hand and cultural assumptions may or may not be recognized by the viewer.

Such is the possibly the case with Bresson’s Pickpocket (1959), a film considered to be a masterpiece and seminal. My Arts Editor and I found it to be obtuse and, frankly, a little dull. Perhaps, as moderately well-off Americans, we are unqualified to judge this film, as it concerns itself with a young Frenchman, Michel, in post World War II Paris, short of opportunities, his mother dying. What to do? He takes up the old trade of pickpocketing. The audience is introduced to the various skills, which is interesting if accurate. The police may or may not suspect him; frankly, the inspector appears to be less interested in catching him at a crime than in introducing him to the idea of growing up.

Michel is intensely in his own head, torn between his physical needs and the morality under which he grew up; the woman who might have been his girl or even wife, Jeanne, is completely ignored. He may play at philosophical games in which self-recognized supermen are permitted to break the law, but there is little enough to a specious argument. Paranoid concerning the police, he leaves Paris for a couple of years, and admits that while he was successful at crime, he was a wastrel, losing it in cards and to women.

Returning to Paris, Jeanne is now a single mother, just as despairing as before, and he promises to help. But he lets his greed overwhelm his judgment, and is caught in the act and arrested. Now he rests in prison, indulging in the self-indulgence of fatalism. The only person who cares for him is Jeanne, and he finally admits that he loves her.

But why? We couldn’t tell. Motivations were waved at in this film, and while perhaps the French would understand, we did not. It made for a frustrating time. Technically, the movie is well-made, being black and white and well-photographed and observed. The acting was somewhat repetitive. Perhaps his suit, over-large and all he seemed to own, was symbolic of something, but neither one of us could see it without being jarred by it a little bit.

And perhaps it’s just a pet peeve and most folk don’t care, but narration really annoys me. Now, I’ll grant that it worked quite well in the commercial release of Blade Runner (1982), although I also like the Director’s Cut of Blade Runner. But in Pickpocket, it’s an example of the standard error of amateur story-tellers, which is telling, not showing. It left me wondering just how much the story could have been enhanced if he’d just kept his mental yap shut and shown why, in a strongly needed instance, he was falling in love with Jeanne.

Watch at your own risk.

Here I mentioned a report concerning something resembling free markets in North Korea, as reported by CNN. On 38 North, Robert Carlin analyzes Kim Jong-un’s recent speech to the North Korean nation:

Kim specifically mentioned the success of agricultural “work teams.” In effect, that might be an effort to signal public, high-level backing for innovations in agricultural policy, including the “plot responsibility system” introduced several years ago, and credited with keeping up production even in the face of bad weather. Kim also called for the state “to establish active measures to let the socialist responsibility management system prove its real worth in factories, enterprises, and cooperative organizations.” This is not new—it’s similar to a line he took in his 2016 Congress speech—but having it surface again in the midst of more challenging economic circumstances suggests Kim is not prepared to back off from reforms that have, at least to some extent, demonstrated their effectiveness. Overall, the picture is one of tightening ideological discipline while encouraging practical, innovative (obviously within limits) approaches at lower levels.

Seems giving folks a reason to take care of things is working in North Korea.

However you feel about the recently passed Federal tax change bill, or, for that matter, the failed AHCA, you had to find the process by which they were formulated and debated to be, well, disconcerting – written in secret, subjected to no debate in the case of the AHCA, if I understand properly, and only cursory meetings in the case of the tax change bill. The mad rush to get the bills through Congress and onto Trump’s desk betrayed a fundamental irresponsibility on the part of the Congressional GOP.

So this report in NewScientist (9 December 2017) on the legalization of euthanasia in the state of Victoria in Australia was a reminder that some people know how to legislate:

VICTORIA has become the first state in Australia to legalise euthanasia. The state’s parliament passed the Voluntary Assisted Dying Bill last week after more than 100 hours of debate.

And the bill passed. It’s loaded with safeguards:

The legislation includes 68 safeguards to prevent foul play, such as criminal offences to stop vulnerable people from being coerced into ending their lives.

No matter your opinion on euthanasia, or perhaps more accurately legalized suicide, they followed a process, they had a real debate, perhaps some of the legislators actually changed their minds, and they finally passed it. I’d cheer either result, honestly. This is how adults run a country.

I wonder if they take interns. I know a whole bunch of people who could use the experience.

I need a new tie tack right there.

Nightfall (1957) is a suspenseful movie let down by its ending. Set a little after World War II, Jim Vanning is a vet on a street corner, happy to help out a man who needs a light for his cigarette. He runs into a single woman in a bar and strikes up a conversation with her. He gains her address, as his profession is as a painter and she, a model, is always looking for work. Walking her out of the bar, he is accosted by two men, one of whom speaks with familiarity to the woman, who flees at Vanning’s imprecations.

They have guns, so he is persuaded to accompany them to an oil pump, the sort that needs no supervision. There they threaten him and demand he return their money, but he repeatedly, if in a discouraged manner, says he doesn’t know where it is. One of them appears to operate on a plane different from ours, ready to shoot Vanning just for giggles. In a moment of inattention, Vanning stuns them, takes their car, and flees.

Remember the guy who needed a light? We change over to him, and it turns out he’s been tracking Vanning as well. He’s discussing his efforts with his wife – what’s this all about?

Back to Vanning, he goes to the apartment of the woman in the bar and has a beginning of a good yell at her for setting him up, but she claims ignorance. Then his story starts to come out, told through flashbacks, of Vanning and his friend, Doc, on a camping trip, and helping a pair of men who had a car accident near their campsite.

And pulled guns on them.

The plot continues on from here, and it’s not bad at all. Information dribbles out, there are twists and turns, and credible characters are built. Unfortunately, the focus on the two bad guys is too scant to make believable the interpersonal friction which leads to their eventual self-destructive quarrel; too, the carelessness of the good guys was a trifle unbelievable. I found myself wishing they had entrapped the bad guys through cleverness, even though self-destruction is a valid observation of the criminal condition.

Despite the flaws of the ending, this is a solid effort, which I enjoyed.

E. J. Dionne in WaPo remarks on Trump:

But we are past the time when we can believe any of this. Trump is, without question, doing enormous damage to the United States’ standing in the world, and his strategy for political survival is rooted in a willingness to destroy our institutions.

Nowhere else, though, does, Dionne remark on Trump’s enablers in Congress, most notably Representative Nunes, chairman of the Intelligence Committee, who supposedly recused himself from the investigation into claims of collusion, and yet reportedly continues to interfere, and Speaker Ryan, who continues to ignore a White House that is dangerously dysfunctional. Impeachments start in the House, Speaker Ryan, and you’re neglecting your duties.

Guess I’m just crabby this morning.

This is an odd video. I’m not even sure it’s funny.

The latest computer security threats to you are “Spectre” and “Meltdown”, according to Nicholas Weaver on Lawfare. What to do?

Lawfare readers should respond in two ways: keep their operating systems up to date and, critically, install an ad-blocker for your web browser. (Here are guides on how to do so in Chrome and Firefox.) In fact, a proper response to Spectre should involve ad-blocking on all government computers. Other than that, don’t worry.

I really should try that, since I use Firefox and Vivaldi, the latter of which is a Chrome-derived browser.

So what’s going on?

Modern computers are incredibly complicated but almost all the performance comes from attempting to exploit two concepts: caches and parallelism. And modern computer security often rests on a principle of isolation, blocking the ability of one program to learn or affect what else is happening on the computer. Spectre and Meltdown exploit breaches of isolation due to the interaction of caches and some parallelism features.

And then some high-level technical stuff.

Back when I was studying and working with Mythryl, the person leading that work was the late Cynbe ru Taren. I recall his analysis of how functional programming’s treatment of data would affect performance in a program designed to take advantage of multiple CPUs (cores) in a computer: because the data was not variable, it did not have to be copied to each core that might access it every time it changed. He felt that would be a tremendous boost to performance. I don’t believe he ever sat down and proved it, but it seemed quite reasonable to me, although my thread programming, which can involve the implicit use of available CPUs, has been very limited.

Which leaves me to wonder: if we changed common programming practice to move to functional languages that, by and large, don’t use variables, could we dispense with hardware optimizations which lead to security holes?

Steve Benen worries about the long-term consequences of the Trump Presidency for the American reputation:

As we discussed last summer, after Trump announced his rejection of the Paris climate accords, this presidency will end, perhaps in three years, at which point many Americans and their new president will turn to the world and declare with pride, “Don’t worry, Trump is gone. The fluke is over. You can trust us again. The United States is back and the American president can lead the free world anew.”

But at that point, many around the world will probably choose not to listen. They’ll realize that the United States is capable of electing someone like Trump to the nation’s highest office, and there’s no guarantee that Americans won’t make a similar decision again in the future. People around the globe will have no way of knowing when the electorate might elect someone else of Trump’s ilk.

And with that lack of confidence comes consequences.

When Trump’s successors, for example, try to reach international agreements, and make promises to our partners about the United States honoring its commitments, foreign officials will know that a Trump-like figure might come along, take office, and decide to betray those commitments.

And I think it’s true, but I don’t necessarily agree that this is a real problem for the world. From that perspective, having a single nation wielding that much influence is not necessarily a good thing, because, of course, it will order things behind the scenes to enhance its prosperity, and that can unduly impact other nations.

My real concern, as I may have mentioned elsewhere, is the blot the Trump Presidency leaves on the concept and theory of liberal democracy. For nations of any size greater than a few villages, finding a way to govern everyone in a stable manner without violence is a major challenge, and if the lesson drawn from Trump is that liberal democracies can elect freaking nut-cases that can severely damage a country in terms of domestic and foreign policy, well, that’s not good.

Will countries choose to return to the “strong man” model of government, as has Russia?

Glaive:

1. A weapon formerly used, consisting of a large blade fixed on the end of a pole, whose edge was on the outsidecurve.

   Quotations

   • 1786, The Welch Glaive is a kind of bill, sometimes reckoned among the pole axes. — Francis Grose, A Treatise on Ancient Armour and Weapons, page 52.

2. A light lance with a longsharp–pointed head.
3. (poetically or loosely) A sword.

   The glaive which he did wield. Spenser.

   [AskDefine]

Mentioned by my Arts Editor when I asked whether or not prosecutor Hamilton Burger ever considered just pulling a gun out and shooting Perry Mason. She suggested they’d go at it with glaives.

Source: Wikipedia

Chris Simms tells the story of how a plant louse nearly wiped out the French wine – and affected levels of crime – in NewScientist (23 December 2017, paywall). This was back in the late 19th century. Because of meticulous French record-keeping, this little bit of surprise popped up:

But when poverty and crime rise in lockstep, is poverty causing crime or crime poverty? “When there is a lot of crime, businesses can suffer, influencing income,” says Bignon. Disentangling what is cause and what is effect can often be difficult. …

As expected, as the blight spread to new areas, instances of property crimes such as theft, counterfeiting and pillaging rose. On average, these crimes were 22 per cent higher in districts affected by the bugs. The rise couldn’t be explained by other factors such as demographic changes caused by patterns of migration.

But there was a twist. While property crime ballooned, violent crime in the worst affected areas slumped, by about 13 per cent on average.

This doesn’t surprise Christian Traxler, an economist at the Hertie School of Governance in Berlin. In 2010, he showed a similar relationship between a decreased supply of rye and crime in Prussia between 1882 and 1912. “Bad weather increased rye prices, which induced more property crime and fewer violent crimes,” he says.

Rye was used to make bread, but bad weather for rye also meant bad weather for barley, which is used to make beer. In both the French and the Prussian instances, Traxler thinks lack of booze explains the drop in violent crime. “Shock to wine production isn’t just a shock to income, but also to wine consumption,” he says. With less alcohol to drink, people are less inclined to fight. In England and Wales today, for instance, alcohol consumptionis thought to contribute to 1.2 million violent incidents a year. “Alcohol consumption makes people more impulsive, less restrained,” says Bignon.

An interesting natural experiment, once again raising the question of just what are we to do about alcohol. Just put up with the accompanying violence?

Perhaps so.

While looking over Daniel Byman’s overview of Iran on Lawfare in light of the protests currently going on in various Iranian cities, I ran across this thought-provoking passage:

In addition to uncertainty at the top, Iran’s economy remains vulnerable. The latest protests began over economic issues before turning political. The economy was shrinking before the lifting of sanctions, but sanctions relief—including additional export opportunities and the unfreezing of assets—have improved the economic situation, with the growth rate at roughly 7 percent in recent years and inflation stabilizing. However, Iran’s economy is plagued with corruption, and mismanagement is rife. The IRGC and various religious foundations control much of the economy, stifling competition and making reform far more difficult. Private investment remains skittish, especially outside the energy sector. The low price of oil makes these structural problems all the more painful.

In addition to these problems, popular expectations of prosperity are higher than they have been for many years. The lifting of sanctions fostered hope that incomes would rise and economic problems would diminish—the regime now has less ability to blame the United States or other enemies for its problems. Protests are a fact of life in Iran—few are massive, sustained, or tied to a broader political cause, but all show at least some level of dissatisfaction with the regime. Indeed, Hassan Rouhani’s election and those of his political allies was in part because of his promises to improve Iran’s economy due to sanctions relief.

And that made me think. For all the public screaming from both sides’ hardliners about the evils of interfacing with the enemies (the Axis of Evil, the Great Satan), I didn’t see anyone ever talk about how the sanctions relief might actually work against the Iranians – or how President Obama and his team may have truly taken President Rouhani, Supreme Leader Khamenei, and their team for all they got. How so?

With the utmost gravitas, which may have obscured his true intentions, Obama’s team removed the best excuse the Iranian leadership had for an economy inadequate to the needs of the Iranian citizenry. Once that excuse was removed and the inadequacy continued, the citizens can see more clearly where the problems may clearly lie within Iran.

And their conclusion appears to be that it lies with the leadership, at least so far.

They may go farther and blame the very structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran. For the leadership of Iran, the position of Supreme Leader of all he holds sway over – and that’s a lot – constitutes permanent power and privilege for those he favors. For those who fear anything from simple discomfort to lack of power, that’s gotta be comforting, unless you’re not favored by the Supreme Leader and his underlings. And during moments of transition, when the Supreme Leader is replaced?

Those are very shaky moments.

OK, all that said, do I really believe that President Obama and his team were that subtle in their strategizing? Maybe so. Although then we might even consider that notorious letter from the United States Senators to Iran, warning that the JCPOA would be abrogated as soon as a Republican President took office, to simply be part of a strategy put together by Obama in conjunction with the GOP, and, given the behavior of the GOP over the last year or so, I just can’t believe.

The answer to whether or not Obama’s goal was the upsetting of Iran’s government by ripping away a veil may rest somewhere in the locked files of the United States.

But the fact remains that by stripping away the biggest excuse the Iranian leadership had for its inadequate economy, the United States may have done more damage to Iran than the straightforward sanctions approach.

Hopefully, Trump and his team, as laughable as they mostly seem to be, can find a way to take advantage of the protests. Although, honestly, I’m at a bit of a loss as to a desirable outcome. Democracy? Are they ready for that? Monarchy? Because that worked so well last time?

Time will tell.

Meanwhile, authorities in Iran claim the protests are over, according to CNN:

The head of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards said Wednesday that a string of anti-government protests were over after six days of unrest.

In comments to the semiofficial Fars news agency, Mohammad Ali Jafari said that only 15,000 people had turned out at the height of the rallies and that the main “troublemakers” have been arrested. CNN has not been able to verify the claim on the amount of protesters.

“Today, we can say it is the end of ‘sedition 1396,’ ” Jafari said, using the year in the Iranian calendar.

“With the help of God, their defeat is definite,” he said.

Even if it’s true, they did happen. That will shake up the leadership a bit. Who knows, they may even make an effort to fix things.

Cerumen:

More formally, the glop in your ears is called cerumen, and it is made up of the secretions of the ceruminous glands – specialised sweat glands – and sebaceous glands in the outer ear canal. Most of these are waxy compounds, which clean the ear canal and protect it from drying out, as well as killing bacteria and trapping foreign bodies like dust and fungal spores. Mixed into that wax are bodily cast-offs like shed skin cells and hair, alongside potent antimicrobials and other chemicals. [“The secrets of your past that lurk inside your ears“,  Christie Wilcox, NewScientist (23 December 2017, paywall)]

On Lawfare, Michael Sulmeyer likes the new bill that will help protect elections from foreign meddling. He particularly likes the bounty program:

Only in the final two pages of the bill are readers presented with one of the most innovative moves in election cybersecurity: a volunteer bug bounty program called Hack the Election. (This portion of the bill seems to take its inspiration from a piece of previously-introduced legislation by Heinrich and Collins called the Securing America’s Voting Equipment (SAFE) Act of 2017.) Bug bounties are not new, as companies have often sought the assistance of white-hat hackers to find and fix potential cybersecurity flaws before malicious hackers can exploit them. …

Bug bounties don’t solve everything, but they offer institutions an avenue to receive cybersecurity advice about where to focus limited resources. If the military’s bureaucracy could find a way to let hackers on to their networks to search for vulnerabilities, election officials should be able to do the same. There will be those who point to the risks of authorizing hackers to hack, but that’s why DoD created a process to screen those who would participate in the bounty first.

The hope is that a program like Hack the Election can offer states yet another way to improve their insight into the potential cybersecurity risks that they need to mitigate. Jurisdictions and administrators still must address whatever vulnerabilities the hackers discover. But the ability to take advantage of the collective experience of a vetted set of hackers is one that shouldn’t be passed up, so I am pleased to see that the Election Security Act creates a way forward for states to do so.

I wonder what level of expertise will be required to be an effective hacker. My late friend Nancy used to delight in knocking over the old BBS software for which I was responsible, and I’ll bet she would loved to take a shot at this, too.

Regarding Thirty Two Short Films About Glenn Gould (1993) a reader writes:

I like this movie. I love the music, so there’s that, but the variety of approaches in the short films is what kept me going, even if a few of the shorts might be too long or too non-narrative for some. I just didn’t try to think too hard about any of it — the music was what made me really like the more abstract parts.

And that variety of approaches, since at least some worked off of Gould’s own words, lent some more insight into this baffling character. I think the piece we liked least was the McLaren contribution.

Although at some point, I don’t recall where, my Arts Editor said something about one piano piece being ham-handed.

Mom used to be such a finicky eater.

I think the problem with Mom (1991) is that it couldn’t quite decide on its desired identity. It’s a movie about your typical grandmother being bitten by a werewolf. Is it about the horror of your mother, the grandmother of your child, becoming a ravening beast every night?

Or should the movie try to emphasize the comedic bits of a grandmother whose hunger pangs are truly embarrassing, who is herself quite embarrassed at this turn of events. There’s some amusement, for example, when she suggests that eating a homeless bum is far more acceptable than, say, a police officer.

But neither effort is pursued relentlessly, and so the movie wanders from the agony of the son, Clay, over his mother’s nightly deadly dementia, as it were, to the sight of grandma pursuing her snack of the night, an undercover cop horrified that he must shoot grandma, and frustrated that the holes he puts in her have little effect. Clay’s increasingly useless efforts to restrain his mother come to a climax when Mom eats his sister and threatens his unborn child, and so Mom must be … ah … put down.

Don’t waste your time on this one.

It’ll be interesting to see how President Trump’s strategy of withholding military aid from Pakistan will work out, as reported by CNN this morning:

The White House said Monday that it would continue to withhold $255 million in military aid to Pakistan out of frustration over what it has characterized as Islamabad’s obstinance in confronting terrorist networks.

The Pakistani government has yet to issue a formal response, though on Monday, US Ambassador David Hale was summoned to the foreign ministry to meet with senior foreign office officials, a US Embassy spokesman confirmed.

It’s long been rumored that that the Pakistani intelligence services are not fully cooperative with the various governments of Pakistan, both democratic and, perhaps, military, the rumors centering around sheltering certain radical anti-Western Islamic groups from attack.

The problem, of course, is how do you prove such contentions? Westerners find it difficult to infiltrate such societies successfully, so we have to work from electronic intercept and second-hand reports.

A complicating factor is the Pakistani nuclear weapons program, developed in response to the India nuclear weapons program. I know very little about this program, such as the capability of its delivery systems, but diplomacy with our ally India certainly makes responses to Pakistan quite the little dance.

But maybe it’s time for a bull in the china shop approach, although I suspect it’ll end with Pakistan sacrificing some mid-level intelligence officer and everyone making up.

Senator Orrin Hatch (R-UT) has decided to retire at the end of his term, as the home paper urged, opening the door for Mitt Romney to run for his seat in this year’s midterms, according to CNN:

Utah Sen. Orrin Hatch announced Tuesday that he won’t seek re-election this year, clearing the way for Mitt Romney to return to the national stage by running for his seat.

He said in a social media message, “after much prayer and discussion with family and friends I’ve decided to retire at the end of this term.”

Which is quite interesting, since Mitt Romney was a leading and brutal critic of Trump during the Presidential campaign of 2016.

A mature politician would have recognized the probability of the elderly Hatch retiring, or even dying suddenly, as he’s 83 now, and begun a process of reconciling with a potentially powerful Party member that might succeed Hatch.

But Trump doesn’t appear to have that capacity. For him, the world is black or white, and nothing in between, so when Romney came out against him, Trump simply labeled him as an enemy, and then humiliated him with some empty gestures suggesting Romney might be nominated as Secretary of State, before handing that post to Tillerson, leaving Romney high and dry.

That may have been a mistake.

While Romney has a few burdens to bear, as being a member of the super-rich leaves many voters with feelings of suspicion, his burden is trivial next to the public pecadilloes of Trump, and while Trump’s base may not care about those pecadilloes, his base is not big enough to carry him in the next presidential election – or even through the various legislative challenges Trump may encounter post mid-terms. Having lost another Senatorial seat (after Sessions, for which he’s twice responsible, having selected Sessions to head the DoJ, and then backing losing candidates for the special election), Trump is looking like a loser, yet again.

Hell, Romney might even honestly reach across the aisle to work with the Democrats on major legislation. That would gall many of his GOP colleagues as well, but Romney has the wealth to push ahead and … act like an adult politician.

Gould forgot his ice house and had to go back for it. He hoped to catch eelpout, but it was an unlucky day.

Thirty Two Short Films About Glenn Gould (1993) provoked two salient comments from my Arts Editor as we watched. First, she was intrigued. Second, the What The Fuck factor was through the roof.

This is an obtuse look at the reclusive star pianist Glenn Gould, through 32 (I didn’t actually count) pieces chronicling his life from his introduction to music while still in the womb, to an interview with a cousin with whom he suddenly discussed death and death rituals shortly before dying of a stroke at age 50. The forms vary. There are several short interviews; there are recreations, perhaps fanciful, of various incidents; there are speculations, perhaps, on what he might have said; there is even investigations of his short and illuminating, if only in metaphorical black light, mini-plays.

It’s a presentation conducive to speculation, because, in a way, when it’s not being directly informative, it’s a bit of a Rorschach test. If you want to see a mentally ill performer,  you can. If you prefer to see a neurally atypical person, that’s there. Someone who was never subjected to a normal childhood, someone who saw music as a world unto itself, deserving of a perfection he forever pursued and forever failed to completely deliver.

Have at it.

And that’s not a bad thing, especially if you’re able to speculate over two or more domains, although I suspect a fictional interview section, labeled as having the text supplied by Gould himself, might be a subtle joke about just such speculation, as the more obscure the speculation, the more the real center of the discussion is the leader of the discussion itself, rather than the subject.

Ahem.

I know very little about music, but I enjoyed it. My Arts Editor, a singer and artist, enjoyed it moreso. If you have a taste for something besides the latest Stan Lee-derived creation, you may enjoy this.

Or, at least, be intrigued.

Folivore:

1. any chiefly leaf-eating animal or other organism, as the koala of Australia that subsists on eucalyptus. [Dictionary.com]

Noted in “Busy doing nothing: How sloths mastered life in the slow lane,” Jason Bittel, NewScientist (23 December 2017, paywall):

Part of the reason sloths are such extreme energy savers is their diet. They are arboreal folivores, meaning they live in trees and eat leaves. It is a deeply unpopular lifestyle choice, occurring in just 0.2 per cent of mammal species, and for good reason: leaves tend to be rather difficult to digest and contain few nutrients. Some tree-living leaf-eaters, such as howler monkeys, get around this by gorging on massive quantities of the stuff.

Sloths have adopted a different strategy: they nibble a bit here and there, making sure to keep their stomachs full. And they don’t rush digestion. It can take anywhere from two days to nearly two months before swallowed food emerges again as dung, which makes this the longest digestive process on record for a plant-eating mammal. That’s particularly weird when you consider that among mammals, the digestion rate typically depends on body size, with big animals taking longer to digest their food.

Retraction Watch notes how unethically using a paper mill can hang the same picture around a lot of people’s necks:

A cancer journal has retracted a 2014 paper after discovering one image had been duplicated in seven other papers. That’s right—the same image appeared in a total of eight papers.

For some of the papers, the issues went beyond the single image. According to the retraction notice, several papers contained other duplicated images, as well as “overlapping text.”  The notice, published in October 2017 in Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention (APJCP), is essentially a letter PLOS ONE wrote to several journals, informing them of the issues in the eight papers, all published between 2014 and 2016. The letter mentions that one of the papers—a 2016 analysis in Korean Journal of Physiology (KJPP)—had already been retracted earlier this year. One author of the retracted KJPP paper confessed to using a company to prepare and submit the manuscript.

Of course, it may not be so much an ethical lapse as too much pressure on researchers to publish, publish, publish. But in the end it’s the same thing – using an unethical service to meet your goals.

It comes around and bites you on your ass.

Eremitic:

Characteristic of a hermit [YourDictionary.com]

Noted in Wikipedia’s entry for Thirty Two Short Films About Glenn Gould, citing a review of the movie by Stanley Kauffmann:

The New Republic critic Stanley Kauffmann said it offered “teasing yet satisfactory glimpses- vivid, funny, cranky, passionate, eremitic, humane”.

The protests continue in Iran. WaPo reports an interesting tidbit:

On the fourth day of the largest protests since an uprising over disputed election results in 2009, Iranian protesters chanted “Death to the dictator!” as they tore down posters of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who holds absolute authority in Iran. Public criticism of Khamenei is generally taboo.

That’s the sort of thing I’d expect would draw significant attention. Is someone operating under the cover of the protests to push their own agenda? Or is this an upheaval? And this is a little hard to believe:

Allies of Rouhani, including Vice President Eshaq Jahangiri, initially suggested that his political opponents had orchestrated the demonstrations. But as they escalated and many chanted for the return of Iran’s monarchy, several conservatives disavowed the protesters and called for a tougher response.

Return of the monarchy? Yeow. Meanwhile, according to AL Monitor the Iranian conservatives continue to blame the protests on economic issues:

Some of the most interesting comments have been made by conservative officials and pundits who have all previously condemned protests, especially the 2009 Green Movement protests. Ahmad Tavakoli, a former parliamentarian and member of the Expediency Council, called the street protests “predictable” due to the administration’s economic policies. He compared the policies to those of Ayatollah Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani’s presidency in the 1990s; Tavakoli called them “harsh policies,” presumably referring to neoliberal economic measures to cut subsidies.

Addressing the protests that started in Mashhad, former hard-line parliament member Hamid Rasaei accused media linked to Rouhani of censoring those who are “protesting the current situation.” Mehdi Mohammadi, the former adviser to Saeed Jalili, a former nuclear negotiator under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, wrote that “protesting against economic difficulties is the right of the people.” Conservative analyst Vahid Yaminpour tweeted, “It has been reported that the president has called an emergency meeting. I hope that before the security and intelligence ministers give their reports on how to quiet the protesters, the economic ministers will think about how to improve the current situation.”